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Guide to Patagonia's Monsters & Mysterious beings

I have written a book on this intriguing subject which has just been published.
In this blog I will post excerpts and other interesting texts on this fascinating subject.

Austin Whittall


Showing posts with label Ecuador. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ecuador. Show all posts

Wednesday, January 7, 2026

Ancient Japanese influence in prehistoric South America


My previous post explored the junk shipwrecks and Japanese castaways found along the coast of Northwestern America (Alaska, Canada, the U.S), and also Hawaii. Today we will look into the ancient links between Japan and South America.


Back in 2014 I posted about the Jomons and Ecuadorian Valdivias, and mentioned a paper published in 1962 (Emilio Estrada, Clifford Evans and Betty Meggers, Possible Transpacific Contact on the Coast of Ecuador. Science135,371-372 (1962). DOI:10.1126/science.135.3501.371)


Betty Jane Meggers (1921-2012) suggested that trans-Pacific contact some 5,000 years ago, linking Japan and Ecuador. She based her hypothesis on the similarities between the Japanese Jomon people and the Valdiviann people of Ecuador.


In a paper putting forward this idea was published 60 years ago: Transpacific origin of Valdivia Phase Pottery on Coastal Ecuador (Clifford Evans and Betty J Meggers, XXXVI Congreso Internacional de Americanistas de España 1964, Vol 1, 1966), Meggers and her colleague Evans outline how the contact took place:


"Consolidation of evidence relevant to the origin of the Valdivia Phase leads to a reconstruction of events somewhat as follows. Some 5000 years ago the coasts of Japan and western America were occupied by small groups of people who subsisted by fishing and shellfish gathering supplemented by hunting of ter restrial mammals.
In addition to gathering of plants they may have taken initial steps toward cultivation.
Their tools and utensils though differing in details of construction were of similar kinds fishhooks awis choppers flakes sinkers hammerstones indicating a similar level of technological competence and a similar ecological adaptation.
In Japan sites are found not only along the coast but up river valleys into the interior where salmon fishing hunting of terrestrial fauna and an unusually rich edible flora seem to have approximated wild food conditions on the northwest coast of North America. Bones from the refuse indicate that deep sea fishing provided part of the food supply from early times and dugout canoes have been found that provide information on the type of water craft used.
If a boatload of Early Middle Jomon fishermen left the sheltering bays of Kyushu and went out into the sea off the southeastern coast in October or November they would have entered a zone with some of the strongest currents in the northern Pacific running northeastward at 24 43 miles per day. Records for the 40 year period between 1901 1940 tabulate 802 typhoons of which 130 were in October and 67 in November. A canoe caught too far from shore by one of these storms might easily be swept by the combined northeasterly pressure of wind and current far out to sea before control was regained. Even if the occupants retained possession of their paddles they might have been unable to turn back. During the month of November westerly and northerly winds pre dominate in the northern hemisphere and are steadiest and of greatest force between about the 40th and 55th parallels In addition the percentage of gales increases during November in high latitudes occurring at an average frequency of one every 8 10 days over the greater part of the northern Pacific except near coasts. A combination of these forces would have borne a canoe eastward along the great circle route which on a flattened map curves far north of Hawaii Records during the past century demonstrate the feasibility of such a drift vessel reaching land with living passengers after a voyage of 11 months (Sittig 1896 p 530). Indeed the possibility of survival would be stronger for people accustomed to living from the sea than for land oriented agriculturalists of more recent times. Arriving on the Ecuadorian shore the travelers were met or soon found by the local residents who presumably were living much the same kind of life as had been left behind on Kyushu fishing shellfish gathering a little hunting and gathering of plants for food and fiber. The results make it apparent that the newcomers were welcomed and incorporated into the community. In the process they introduced the art of pottery making and very probably new religious practices that are reflected in the Valdivia stone figurines. Other new ideas may also have been incorporated but no tangible evidence has been recognized The Valdivians quickly became skillful potters and in fact the most striking aspect of the ware is its superiority in quality and artistry to pottery not only of contemporary Kyushu but also of other very early ceramic complexes in the New World. It is an ironical fact that attempts to relate Valdivia ceramics to those of Guañape on the coast of Peru Monagrillo on the Pacific coast of Panama or Puerto Hormiga on the Caribbean coast of Colombia involve more tenuous comparative evidence than can be brought to support the inference of Jomon Valdivia connections.
Undoubtedly this situation if properly under stood would shed light on the kind of contact that underlay diffusion of pottery making both north and south from the coast of Ecuador.
"


The idea sounds interesting, and it also accounts for the "figurines" or female statuetes (Venus) found in Ecuador.


More recently (see Betty J. Meggers. 2005. The Subversive Significance of Transpacific Contact. The NEARA Journal, Vol. 39, No. 2 (Winter): pp. 22-29.), twenty years ago, Meggers mentions the common variety of Human T-cell leukemia virus (HTLV-1), as "another pathology shared by Japanese and Andeans... which is transmitted between adult males and females by sexual contact and between nursing mothers and infants. Today, the highest occurrence in the world of carriers of the HTLV-1 antibody is in Japan, where it reaches a frequency of 6% in Kyushu... Among modern populations in the Americas, it is restricted to the Andean area. Like the parasites, a post-Columbian introduction is ruled out by its presence in the bone marrow of 1500-year-old Chilean mummies... Among modern carriers are the Nanoama, an indigenous group that lives on the lower San Juan River, which drains into the Pacific coast of Colombia."


Meggers added that a study sound genetic similarities between these Nanoma people and the Jomons: "A comparison of the global distribution of 13 genetic markers also identifies the closest affiliation of the Nanoama with people of Jomon ancestry in Japan."


Meggers also suggests that the bottle gourd (Lagenaria sicerania) was brought to America by the Jomons: "an Old World cultigen that appeared in the Americas ca. 6000 B.P.—was among the Jomon introductions is supported by its presence in Japan by the Initial Jomon Period."


Regarding the ceramics, Meggers pointed out "the discovery of another intrusive complex of similar age on the north coast of Colombia, known as San Jacinto."


However, not everyone agrees with this theory. For instance, Scott, G. R. et al., (2021). Peopling the Americas: Not “Out of Japan.” PaleoAmerica, 7(4), 309–332. https://doi.org/10.1080/20555563.2021.1940440, refute it, without mentioning the Jomons or Ecuador and Colombia. Instead it focused on stone knapping techniques which seem similar in both Jomon Japan and North America:


"A widely accepted model for the peopling of the Americas postulates a source population in the Northeast Asian maritime region, which includes northern Japan. The model is based on similarities in stone artifacts (stemmed points) found in North American sites dating as early as 15,000 years ago and those of comparable age in Japan and neighboring regions of Northeast Asia. Here we show, on the basis of data and analyses in biological anthropology, that the people who made stemmed points in northern Japan (labeled “Incipient Jomon” in the archaeological literature) represent an unlikely source population for the indigenous peoples of the Western Hemisphere."


Even the origin of the ceramics style is disputed, (Kanomata Y, Marcos J, Popov A, Lazin B, Tabarev A. https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/antiquity/article/new-data-on-early-pottery-traditions-in-south-america-the-san-pedro-complex-ecuador/8885FD3A582F285F93728325C4945B66. Antiquity. 2019;93(369):e17. doi:10.15184/aqy.2019.56), says it originated in a pre-Valdivian culture in Ecuador: "These new data on San Pedro pottery from Real Alto demonstrate its stratigraphical, typological and chronological identity as one of the earliest ceramic forms in the Americas, and they confirm the existence of Early Formative cultural variability in Ecuador." Meaning they may seem similar Jomon and Valdivian, but they have different origins.


Regarding genetics, as mentioned in my 2014 post, there are similarities regarding what then was known as the Y-chromosome haplogroup C3* (nomenclature has changed since then, but the concept is still valid). C3* is rare in America, it is found among the Jomons and also among Ecuadorian and Colombian people, but not elsewhere in America. Surprisingly, the Japanese C3* variant is different to the one found in Colombia and Ecuador.


The American variant is now known as subclade C-P39 (formerly C3b). A paper (Insights into the origin of rare haplogroup C3* Y chromosomes in South America from high-density autosomal SNP genotyping, Mezavilla et al., 2015) studied the matter: "C3* Y chromosomes were discovered in two nearby Native American populations from Ecuador. Since this haplogroup is otherwise nearly absent from the Americas but is common in East Asia, and an archaeological link between Ecuador and Japan is known from 6Kya, an additional migration 6Kya was suggested. Here, we... evaluate three hypotheses: a recent migration from Japan, a single pulse of migration from Japan 6Kya, and no migration after the First Americans... Our simulations revealed good power to detect recent admixture, and that ≥5% admixture 6Kya ago could be detected. However, in the experimental data we saw no evidence of gene flow from Japan to Ecuador. In summary, we can exclude recent migration and probably admixture 6Kya as the source of the C3* Y chromosomes in Ecuador, and thus suggest that they represent a rare founding lineage lost by drift elsewhere." The map below is from this paper.


map of Japanese migration to America
Hypotheses to explain the presence of C3* Y chromosomes in Ecuador but not elsewhere in the Americas. Green line: the chromosomes were carried by the First American founder population 15–20Kya, but have been lost by drift from other present-day Native American populations examined. Blue line: they were introduced from Japan by a migration identified by archaeologists around 6Kya. Orange line: they were introduced from East Asia in the last generation or two. The violet line represents an ancestral population that split around 25–27Kya into the ancestors of present-day East Asians and Native Americans, and is incorporated into the demographic model used in this work.. From Mezavilla et al. (2015)

They rejected the Jomon admixture 6,000 years ago yet mentioned that "The estimated TMRCA for the combined Ecuadorian C3* chromosomes was 5.0–6.2Kya. The finding of this haplogroup in Ecuador was surprising because C3* is otherwise unreported from the Americas (apart from one example in Alaska), but is widespread and common in East Asia."


The sensitivity of the study is low. Imagine a boatload of Jomon people mixing into Native Americans, they would represent a low percentage of the total population, the study is not sensitive enough to measure low introgression rates: "The power to detect ancient admixture at these levels therefore depends on the sensitivity to detect the reduced admixture in the present-day population. For example, if 0.1% mean population admixture can be detected in the present-day population, we have ∼80% power to detect 5% ancient admixture and ∼100% power to detect 10% ancient admixture. If, instead, we could only detect 0.5% mean admixture in the present-day population, we have ∼0 power to detect 5% ancient admixture and ∼35% power to detect 10% ancient admixture... Immediately after a pulse of 10% migration, almost all individuals in the Admixed population have >5% and >1% admixture. 6Ky later, in the present-day population, about 1% of the Admixed individuals retain 5% admixture, and about 17% retain 1% admixture. In all simulations, negligible admixture is detected in the Control population. Overall, we have good power to detect 10% admixture that took place 6Kya, and some power to detect 5% ancient admixture." The authors indicate that "had good power to detect 1% recent admixture and 10% ancient admixture, with some power to detect 5% ancient admixture" which seems rather high, surely the impact of Jomon people would have been lower, probably it was amplified by genetic drift. Perhaps their Asian genes added some immunity to the Amerindians and this gave them a selective benefit when confronted with Spanish-introduced diseases after 1492.


It is interesting to point out that the Valdivia people lived (see google map) very close to the spot (Manta) where Inca Tupac Yupanqui learned that people in big boats came to trade with the local natives, and which have been assumed to be Polynesians. But, what if they were Japanese? Merchants who had kept up the transpacific contact for millennia...



Patagonian Monsters - Cryptozoology, Myths & legends in Patagonia Copyright 2009-2026 by Austin Whittall © 

Monday, September 8, 2025

The Cayapas and their D4h3a mtDNA


The Cayapa people in Ecuador carry the very rare D4h3a mtDNA haplogroup in high rates in comparison to other Native Americans. See my previous post (D4h3a revisited).


When it was discovered in 1999, this variante was reported as the "Cayapa lineage", later it was found in other native groups, but at extremely low frequencies. This is the paper published back in 1999 that reported this unique Amerindian mtDNA founding lineage for the first time.


Cayapa territory. From O. Rickards, C. Martínez-Labarga, J.K. Lum, G.F. De Stefano, and R.L. Cann (1999)

A 2013 study reported that "The “Cayapa” lineage, D4h3a, was confirmed in the expected high proportion (22.5%)." Meaning that over 1 in 5 Cayapas carry this variant. It didn't find any European, Asian or African mtDNA among the natives.


A 2020 paper, citing Bravi, reported that "the highest frequencies of this lineage are found in Cayapa and Tehuelche populations, with a percentage of 25% of the total samples". Interesting link to the Patagonian people!


I found the extremely interesting thesis, by Bravi, 2005, (see it here - Spanish). In it, Bravi analyzed this new founding lineage. The frequency is high in certain groups, between 13% and 25% in the Fuegian Yamaná, the Patagonian Tehuelche, the Paraguayan Lengua, and the Cayapas. It is much Lower among the Araucanian people (Mapuche and Huilliche) of Chile and the Peruvian and Bolivian Quechuas (Image below is from the paper). This discontinuity in the distribution (Chile, Peru and Bolivia lie between the Ecuadorian Cayapas and the Amazonian Lenguas, and the Patagonian-Fuegian people) suggests that the original D4h3a migration was later overlaid by more recent arrivals with other mtDNA halpogroups diluting its presence.


Araucanization


The author of this thesis notes that the Patagonians probably had a higher ratio of this rare haplogroup before the Mapuche people crossed the Andes (pushed by Spanish conquest in the late 1500s), a process known as "Araucanization" (disliked by the Mapuche people, who feign they are original inhabitants of Argentina's Patagonia - they aren't, they are original people in Chile, not Argentina).


The paper states: "Since the beginning of the "Araucanization of the Pampas and Patagonia" in the 17th century, the cis-Andean Pampas-Patagonian populations interbred with "Araucanian" immigrants of trans-Andean origin. Given that some of the "Araucanian" fractions lack "Cayapa" lineages ... or possess them in low frequency... it is reasonable to interpret that their presence at such high frequency among the Tehuelches would not be a consequence of recent Araucanian female introgression (in the last 350 years) but rather a reflection of their ancestral condition. Although very high, the actual frequency of 26% for the “Cayapa” haplotypes among the Tehuelches, it must have been higher in the past, towards the end of the 16th century, before the massive influx of “Araucanians” from this side of the Andes."


dna frequencies table

The table above shows (left to right), the population, the sample size "N" the number of D4h3a found "Cayapa", the frequency "frecuencia" and the source.


The Cayapa people


Rickards et al, (1999), had noted that the Cayapas were "of distinct interest to geneticists, for at least three reasons. First, their oral traditions recount a migration from the western Amazon basin into the Andes (Barriga-Lopez 1987; Carrasco 1988) and then a flight from Ibarra into the lowland jungles to escape first Inca and finally Spanish enslavement (Barrett 1925). These movements suggest that historical events and forced acculturation have not significantly distorted their genetic identity. Second, although they have been exposed to disease epidemics brought by foreign contact, their population appears to have been stable during the past 250 years of colonial rule and has been slowly increasing to its current size of ∼3,600 individuals, without significant admixture from either European- or African-derived settlements adjacent to tribal communities."


The fact they migrated from the Amazon basin, suggests that this ancient lineage was present there, well inland, (not on the Pacific coast) and dispersed across the continent from that node.


The 1999 paper pointed out that even though the Cayapas spoke a Chibchan language, "the Cayapa appear closer to non-Chibchan speakers of South America than to representatives of the same language family in Central America, a classic case of discordance between genetic and linguistic data."


The Chibchans reached Colombia and NW South America around 2000 years BP, and are, relatively speaking, "newcomers". This is mentioned in a recent paper: "original “Chibchan homeland” in Central America is supported not only by mtDNA studies on present-day populations who speak Chibchan languages but also from linguistic observations, indicating that the isthmus region exhibits the highest diversity within this language family."


The Amazonian Cayapas probably adopted a Chibcha family language the same way that the Northern Tehuelche, Puelche and Pampa groups in Argentina adopted the Mapuche Araucanian language: trade and war, simplicity of the language helped spread the Mapdungun Mapuche language replacing the Chon of the Tehuelche groups. I agree, language and genes don't necessarily go together or imply a common origin and heritage.


According to a book published in 1919, the Cayapas lived an isolated lifestyle (it may have helped preserve their unique genetic marker), in 1641 the Spanish "Visitador", an official recorded that the tribe at Piñán consisted of 334 people. They were "antisocial like all savage tribes, and didn't live in villages. Instead the families built separate huts along the river banks, and seldom did so further inland. They moved frequently, and when cocoa cultivation replaces the jungle in which they live, they move away. They bury their dead in the middle of the dead person's former home, and move away.


Another book from 1876, states that "about 2,000 Cayapas, who still keep to the forests on the banks of the Rio Cayapas, holding carefully aloof both from the whites and the negroes... their language, which has also remained unaffected by Quichua and Spanish influences."


They built dugout canoes, from balsa wood tree trunks (pictured below - source).


map of Ecuador and Cayapa territory

An account published in 1894 says that the Cayapas river was 100 to 120 m wide (roughly 300 to 360 ft) and that "we met Cayapa boats all the time. They are light canoes, of elegant construction. On the sides they had whimsical mosaic-like designs painted with tars. They are maneouvered by an Indian using an oar 3 m long (10 ft), and by an Indian woman, who navigates from the stern with an other oar, very wide and short"



Patagonian Monsters - Cryptozoology, Myths & legends in Patagonia Copyright 2009-2025by Austin Whittall © 

Monday, October 12, 2015

Giant skeletons found in Ecuador...


This unexpected article "Legendary Giants Found in Ecuador", caught my eye a while ago, so I am sharing it with you.


The original source seems to be this one: Cuenca HighLife (Amazon giants may be for real; research team finds several large skeletons in settlements on the Ecuadorian – Peruvian border. Oct. 5, 2015, Liam Higgins).


The article says that Dement uncovered some remains dating back 600 years that belonged to a person measuring 7 ft. 4 inches, which is 2,24 m. Considerable height.


Apparently "One of the first mentions of them was in an article by the German researcher Franz Bosch, who heard about it from a community of the Shuar, southeast of Cuenca". The Shuar also known as Jivaro were the famous "head shrinkers".


I have not found what Bosch wrote about them, but instead came across what a Catholic priest, Juan de Velasco, wrote about giants in Ecuador. He did so in his book "Historia del reino de Quito en la America Meridional: La historia antigua", published in 1841 by the Imprenta del Gobierno, 1841 - Ecuador, and below I copy his comments on them:



The text says: "...[at] Manta... was at the beginning of the Christian Era... the location of a horrible race of giants. They consumed in part, and in part, forced to withdraw, the American nations that before them had inhabited that country. After the giants became extinct, the place was again peopled but slowly, by other common races... ".


But there is another even older reference to the giants, in chapter LXVI (De cómo ciertos gigantes aportaron a la provincia de Manta, los quales salieron de vnas yslas de la mar del Sur, y después fueron quemados con fuego celestial, y cuenta de otras cosas que ay en la tierra), by Pedro Gutiérrez de Santa Clara (1543-1603), a Mexican historian who wrote about the wars in Peru. See the full Spanish text here.


Apparently, de Santa Clara heard from the "old and ancient Indians" that lived in Puerto Viejo in the Manta province, that during the reign of Topa Inca Yupanqui, a "large quantity of gint Indians of ill shaped height and size " came in "very big boats or rafts made of canes and dry wood which had triangular Latin sails", they came from "where the Sun sets towards the Molucca Islands or the Strait of Magellan" (which is odd, as one is south and the other is west!).


These giants killed some Indians and evicted the others from their villages. So these natives called for help to the Inca ruler who sent the Curaca (governor) of the Chimo Valley and the governor of Piura as ambassadors to deal with the giants.


Topa Inca Yupanqui or Tú pac Inca Yupanqui ruled from 1471 to 1493. Which gives us a time frame for the arrival of these "giants".


This map shows the location of Manta and Cuenca.


An interesting point is that Giants were also reported in the book: Obras históricas de don Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl by Fernando de Alva (1568 - 1648) was a Spanish - Aztec priest, who on page 17 writes: "In Nueva España [Mexico] there were giants, besides the proof of their bones that are found in many places, the ancient Toltec historians say that they were called Quinametzin". Which shows that giants were a prevalent myth in America at the time of its discovery by Europeans.


Last but not least, the type of ship mentioned by Santa Clara actually did exist and was reported by European explorers as can be seen in the following image:



Image from: "Navegación precolombina: el caso del litoral pacifico ecuatorial: evidencias e hipótesis", Alicia Alonso Sagaseta, Jean François Bouchard, Mercedes Guinea Bueno, José Alcina Franch, Revista Española de Antropología Americana, Vol 17, 1987. Which may imply that the "giants" were Native Americans from further north, from Mexico, Colombia or Central America...


Nevertheless, I am very sceptical about all stories that mention giants and am taking this with a pinch of salt until I see it published in a reputable publication.



Patagonian Monsters - Cryptozoology, Myths & legends in Patagonia Copyright 2009-2015 by Austin Whittall © 

Wednesday, July 2, 2014

Japanese Jomons and Ecuadorian Valdivians


I mistakenly identified Valdivia in Chile for the Valdivian Culture in Ecuador in my post on American C haplogroup. A kind reader pointed out my error (Thanks! one learns from ones mistakes) and this mini post is the outcome.


An article (Estrada, E., B.J. Meggers y C. Evans 1962. Possible transpacific contact on the coast of Ecuador. Science 135:371-372.) suggested that the Japanese Jomon reached Ecuador (a stray fishermen's boat perhaps) and transmitted some of their culture to the local Valdivian Amerindians.


This is a summary of the theory and what it generated


A clear example used to suppoert this theory is the incise pottery, shown below. Valdivian on the left, Jomon on the right:


Jomon and Valdivian pottery

Incised pottery is not rare, it is a global phenomenon, for examples of incised ceramics in other parts of the world see the Amerindian Guaraní in Buenos Aires, prehistoric Spain or Native Americans in the U.S or Sudan in Africa.


It was assumed that the Valdivian pottery appeared with this novel incise pattern all of a sudden and that it could be explained via a transpacific contact. However an older Valdivian pottery dated at 3,500 BCE more rudimentary and obviously local must have been the source of the later more complex ceramics. [1]


And then we have the "Venus" images. The Jomon made humanoid dolls in clay of different sizes and shapes, they span a long period from c. 10 to 2.3 kya. They were once thought to be fertility symbols, but may have been dolls. One is shown below. Clearly a voluptuous female with curves.


jomon venus
Jomon Venus

The Valdivians made their own Venus ceramics as from 3,100 BCE. Shonwn below, and clearly slimmer and differently styled. Why would the Jomon transmit their incised pottery but not their obese Venuse dolls? Simply because there were no Jomons in Ecuador.


Valdivia Venus
Valdivia Venus images

The Jomons in Ecuador still would not explain how Japanese C3* haplotpe got into the genome of Colombian natives. Furthermore the C3* in Colombian and Ecuadorian natives is not the same as the Jomon haplotypes.


Another scholarly critical opinion on this subject


Sources


[1] Henning Bischof and Julio Viteri Gamboa, (2006) Entre Vegas y Valdivia: la fase San Pedro en el suroeste del Ecuador. Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Études Andines / 2006, 35 (3): 361-376 IFEA



Patagonian Monsters - Cryptozoology, Myths & legends in Patagonia Copyright 2009-2014 by Austin Whittall © 

Saturday, April 14, 2012

Ecuadorian Pre-hispanic "horned" beings

 
precolumbian bull rider
Pre-Hispanic Ecuadorian native riding a "bull" (?) . From [1]


Being saturday I will keep this post short. Browsing the Internet I came upon the image shown above. Which looks like some kind of "bull rider". The ceramic is on display at the "Museo del Banco Central del Ecuador" according to the source that posts the image, which is said to be Pre-hispanic.

It is a horned (with horns, not antlers) cow-like being. But since bovines were introduced in America by the Spanish conquistadors after 1492, what is this horned being? Furthermore, there is a Pre-hispanic native riding it!

Interesting! I have already posted on Pre-hispanic cattle in Patagonia and other parts of South America. This is just another bit of evidence.

Source

[1] Exploringecuador.com, Museo del Banco Central del Ecuador.



Patagonian Monsters - Cryptozoology, Myths & legends in Patagonia Copyright 2009-2012 by Austin Whittall © 
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