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Guide to Patagonia's Monsters & Mysterious beings

I have written a book on this intriguing subject which has just been published.
In this blog I will post excerpts and other interesting texts on this fascinating subject.

Austin Whittall


Showing posts with label first polynesians. Show all posts
Showing posts with label first polynesians. Show all posts

Friday, December 26, 2025

INDEX for our Trans-Pacific Contact posts: Oceania to America


For those who are interested, this is an index linked to all of our posts about the possible trans-Pacific contact or voyages between Polynesia, Oceania, Melanesia, and America, in both directions, as it also includes American voyates to Polynesia. It will help you navigate the different posts.


Updated: 26 - Dec - 2025


Index


map of Pacific islands
The Pacific, Polynesia and Oceania.


Patagonian Monsters - Cryptozoology, Myths & legends in Patagonia Copyright 2009-2025 by Austin Whittall © 

Tuesday, December 23, 2025

The sewn canoe: a link between Amerindians and Polynesians


The Chumash natives that lived in the Santa Barbara Channel area, near what is now Los Angeles, California, U.S., (see map) built sea-worthy canoes called "Tomol", made with sewn planks of wood.


The word Tomol means "House of the Sea". (Source). The Chumash fashioned the planks from the logs of redwood driftwood which they curved using hot water (a clay pit, filled with water into which hot stones were placed, causing it to boil). They drilled holes along the planks' edges and used cord to lash them together. They caulked it with a blend of pine pitch and tar called "yop" (La Brea tar pits are very close to the sea in Los Angeles). (Source). The Chumash died out around 1850.


The Chumash used the tomol to reach the Channel Islands that are 34 km - 21 mi. from the mainland, and for deep-sea fishing. As the islands in that area were populated around 10,000 years ago, and that would have required sea-going watercraft, it is likely that these canoes are an ancient technology.


A paper by Brian Fagan (2004), The house of the sea: an essay on the antiquity of planked canoes in Southern California. American Antiquity, No. 69+1, p.7) argues they were first built around 8,500 years ago. There is no surviving specimen, though a replica was built (pictured below) based on notes taken by anthropologist John Peabody Harrington from information provided by a Chumash informant, Fernando Librado (1804-1915) who had seen them during his youth.


tomol
Chumash tomol (plank canoe) built under the direction of Fernando Librado Kitsepawit for J. P. Harrington : 1912. Source

They were big canoes with several planks used on the side of the hull. Juan Rodríguez Cabrillo, who navigated up the coast of California in 1542 wrote a journal and said the canoes he encountered in what is now Ventura, CA, were "Very good canoes, each of which held twelve or thirteen Indians". Impressed by them and their number, Cabrillo called the village there, "Pueblo de las Canoas" (Canoes Village).


Polynesian influences?


The idea was first proposed by Alfred Kroeber in 1939 in his work Cultural and natural areas of native North America (p. 44-45). I cite him below, the underlined text is my highlighting.


"There is a definite climax in this area among coast and island Gabrielino and Chumash, whose culture was semimaritime, with seagoing plank canoes. Although this climax culture was likely to have been further developed locally once it had taken root on the Santa Barbara Islands, its spontaneous origin on the mainland coast and growth to the point where it could reach the islands are hard to understand on the basis of either a Californian or a Sonora-Yuman culture basis. There is therefore a possibility that its impetus came in part either from the Northwest Coast or from across the Pacific, to both of which regions there are sporadic but fairly specific parallels: harpoon, canoe, round shell fishhooks, psychological cosmogony."


Some, however, consider that the know-how was a local development and not imported from Polynesia (see Meroz), furthermore, the date suggested by Fagan is roughly 8,000 years older than the first Polynesian migrations into the Pacific Islands. They predate the appearance of the Polynesians. Arnold also says they are not Polynesian, and preceed them, but places their creation date around 600 AD.


In my opinion there is another alternative: The tomol planks were sewn together using pairs of holes lashed individually. The Polynesians used a continuous sewing, so they differ. However, the Western Polynesians (Samoa) and Melanesians used discontinuous sewing. This suggests the technology used by the Chumash was Melanesian! (Source). This leaves the door open for an early Melanesian trans-Pacific voyage, even 8,500 years ago.


Let's take a look at the Polynesian and Melanesian sewn-plank canoes.


The Polynesian sewn-plank canoes


In 1846, the British government sent a warship, the HMS Grampus, commanded by Captain Henry Byam Martin to investigate the French annexation of the Society Islands. Martin, during his stay in Papeete, Tahiti, in February 1847, Martin wrote about a double canoe made of sewn planks he had seen in Taonoa, two miles from Papeete, which had sailed from what now are the Tuamotu Islands (Pomotoo):


"I walked to Taonoa to see a remarkable double canoe from the Pomatoo islands. It is in fact 2 canoes joined together. Each is about 50 feet long by 5 broad. There is not a nail in them. The logs of which they are constructed are sewn together with bark —and the jOinings are close & neat. The upper works or gunwales are of matting. She is schooner rigged with her masts stepped on the thwarts or connecting boards and I am told these craft stand a great deal of bad weather. Thirty eight persons crossed in her from Pomotoo—about 250 miles."

Below is an image showing it (Source):

sewn plank double canoe Tahiti 1847
Plank Canoe in Tahiti, 1847. Capt. Martin

Abraham Fornander reported in 1880 (see p. 8) that Rev. J. Williams, saw in Tahiti, in 1819, a "large canoe planked up and sewed together whose hold was twelve feet deep" (3.6 m) it had sailed 700 mi. (1,125 km).


Clearly, the Polynesians had mastered the art of building sewn-plank boats. But, what about the Melanesians?


Melanesian Sewn-Plank Canoes


S. Percy Smith, in his work Hawaiki the Whence of the Maori... (see p. 157), published in 1897, described the Alia canoe of the Melanesians:


"The alia is a double canoe and was thus described to me by Mr Kennison a boat builder in Savāi'i. "The biggest canoe of the two is sometimes as much as one hundred and fifty feet in length each end tapers out to nothing; the second canoe is not nearly so long as the first. They sail fast and like the Malay proas, do not go about in beating, but the sheet of the sail is shifted from bow to stern instead. There is a platform built between the two canoes, and both ends are decked over for some distance - the platform a house is usually erected. These double canoes will turn to wind ward very well. The canoes are built up of many slabs joined together with great neatness, and each plank is sewn to the next one with sinnet, which passes through holes bored in a raised edge on the inside of each plank." It was in this kind of canoe that the voyages of the Samoans and Tongans were made... Other accounts I obtained say that the alia was a Tongan design originally, and that the Samoans copied it from them. Again, it is said that the Tongans derived their model of the canoe from Fiji, which brings us back to this: That it probably originated with the ancestors of Maori and Rarotongan... who formed as I believe a distinct migration into the Pacific."


In their excellent book Canoes of Oceania (1938), A.C. Haddon and James Hornell mention (p. 39) that the Melanesians of Solomon Island built four varieties of sewn plank canoes: the mon, lisi, ora, and binabina, none of which had outriggers. The plank-built canoe of these islands did not use sails, they were propelled with oars or paddles, showing that they were primitive.


Haddon, in Vol II - The canoes of Melanesia, Queensland, and New Guinea, goes into many details about the watercraft of this region. It is worth noting that he mentions the Melanesians at Nukumanu atoll (p.69) using driftwood planks (like the Chumash!) sewn together, that could carry up to 20 men. At San Cristoval, they were 30 to 40 ft. long (9 - 12 m), with three strakes (a continuous, longitudinal course of planks along the side of a vessel), and inlaid with shells (coincidentially, the Chumash canoes also had shell inlays - Source). Some could carry 90 men. The text includes the following image with two varieties of sewn-plank canoes from San Cristoval


sewn plank canoes San Cristoval Islands
Plank Canoes of San Cristoval, Melanesia. Haddon

Based on the theories of the late 1930s, Haddon and Hornell suggest that the "kava-people" (here they follow Paul Rivet's theory that mentions them as late arrivals in Melanesia) introduced canoes into Melanesia, they originally used dugouts (canoes made by hollowing out a tree trunk), then improved them and made them more seaworthy by adding strakes and that "this improvement may have led to the evolution of a plank-built boat, in which the original dugout underbody has been reduced to a mere keel." Adding that the "true plank-built boat with inserted rib-frames fastened to cleats on the strakes was employed only sporadically in western Oceania; it had its origin in Indonesia and so can not be regarded as a local development. We consider that it belonged to one of the later spreads from the west into Polynesia."


It is evident that the authors don't consider the Melanesians as capable of developing the sewn-plank knowhow on their own and required a more "civilized" input from Indonesia. I disagree.


The Patagonian Chonos


Not much is known about these people because they became extinct by the mid 1700s. European disease killed them all. The Chono lived south of Chiloe island, in Chile, along the Patagonian coast of the Guaitecas Islands, Taitao Peninsula and the Guayanecos Islands, up to the Gulf of Penas.


They lived in their canoes, the Dalcas. They fished, hunted sea lions and collected shellfish. Their boats were their livelihood.


Dalca: the sewn-plak canoe


The first to mention them was Francisco de Ulloa, who in 1553, sailed south along the Chilean Patagonian coast. In the Chonos Archipelago (45°S) they saw a canoe, on land, "made made of three planks, very well sewn together, 24 to 25 feet (7 meters) long, and the seams had been treated with a bitumen that they make... they were like shuttles with very high tips. (Source).


The Dalca canoe of the Chonos was built with three to five wooden planks which were sewn together with vegetable fibers. They used the wood of the larch (alerce) tree (Fitzroya cupressoides) which was light and did not rot. The split the trunks lengthwise with wedges into planks. They soaked and fired the planks to bend them into shape, and then perforated the holes used to sew them.


dalca planks
Dalca planks. Source

One, conserved at the Stockholm Folkens Museum Etnografiska in Sweden measures 4.26 x 1.00 x 0.51 m (13.9 x 3.3 x 1.6 ft.). There are Spanish accounts of canoes carrying 15 oarsmen and measuring 10 meters (33 ft.) long. They had a rudder, ribs, benches and sometimes masts. They were large like the Chumash Tomols or the Samoan canoes.


dalca
A "Dalca", made from sewn planks by the Chonos of Chile

The spaces between the planks were caulked with the leaves of a local plant. There was no tar in the area and no pine pitch to fill the gaps.


José Toribio Medina in his "Aboríjenes de Chile" (1882) quotes Father Diego de Rosales (p. 193) who in the mid 1600s described them as follows:


"They made them from just three boards sewn together, and cut the planks to the length they wanted for the canoe, and with fire between some lockers they bent them as needed to make a boat with a stern and bow, and the one that serves as the floor raises the point at the front and back more than the others so that it serves as the bow and stern, and the rest as the keel. The other two boards, arched with fire, serve as sides, with which they form a long and narrow boat, joining some planks with others and sewing them with the bark of some wild reeds called culeu, crushed from which they make some twisted ropes that do not rot in the water. And to sew the planks they open holes in correspondence with fire and after they are sewn they caulk them with the leaves of a tree called fiaca or teroa which are very viscous and they put maqui bark on top and in this way they make canoes capable of carrying two hundred quintals of cargo [1 quintal = 100 pounds ~46 kg]. They have one in the stern who steers it with a paddle or oar and eight or ten oarsmen and one who is always pumping or bailing with a tray because they are always taking on water."


I have not found any information on the sewing technique, was it continuous or one-on-one? The original dalcas were made to last, and since making a long cord is complicated, it is probable that they used short cords to tie the plank-holes together in a discontinuous way. Later, during historic Spanish conquest times (1700s), inspired by the Europeans, and using iron axes, they made larger ones, and also dalcas that could be taken apart to portage them. They probably acquired European ropes for longer continuous sewing because fewer knots would quicken the process of taking the canoes apart and sewing them together again after the portage. If so, Melanesian, Chumash and Chono canoes were sewn in a manner different to the Polynesian plank canoes.


Discussion


The Chonos lived close to Mocha Island, mentioned in a previous post as a possible beachhead for trans-Pacific voyagers. Another interesting point is that the Chumash and the Chonos despite being 9,900 km apart - 6,150 mi. (in a straight line) or 9,901.62 km (6,152.58 mi) or 12,200 km (7,600 mi) if you take a coast-hugging route, shared the same mtDNA, the D4H3a variety (See my 2014 post mtDNA D4H3a haplogroup): " the D4h3a tends to have a coastal distribution along the Pacific Ocean from Canada to Tierra del Fuego: Canada, California, Ecuador, Southern Chile and Argentina. The Yaghan, Alakaluf, Chono, Cayapa, Chumash, and the man from On Your Knees Cave, all had this haplogroup. They all built sea-going craft: rafts, dugout canoes, bark canoes and "sewn plank" canoes."


However, the D4h3a mtDNA haplogroup is not present in Melanesia. It is found in East Asia. We could suppose that the navigators were a group of men, who traveled without women. Or, if they did, the imprint they left in the local genetic pool was small, and got diluted over the following millennia. The same can be said about their Y-chromosome influence on the local Amerindians.


Regarding plank-canoes, Robert Heizer (1942) is categorical and denies any Polynesian influences in the American sewn-plank canoes: "We may conclude with the summary statement that the Chilotan dalca and the Santa Barbara tomolo, in the light of present information, are each ascribable to local and independent origin."


Could people in different parts of the world develop the same technology independently? Yes, it is very likely. Human minds think in a similar way and find similar solutions to problems (hunting, fishing, farming, etc.)


Could Melanesians cross the Pacific before the Polynesians, some 8,000 years ago, pushed by favorable winds during an El Niño event and reach America? Yes, it is possible.



Patagonian Monsters - Cryptozoology, Myths & legends in Patagonia Copyright 2009-2025 by Austin Whittall © 

Sunday, December 21, 2025

Polynesian skulls found in Mocha Island, Patagonia, Chile


Mocha Island is located 35 km (20 mi) west of the Chilean Patagonian coast roughly 38.5° Lat. South. It is part of the coastal region of the Pacific Ocean in the Arauco area. The island is roughy 13 km long (8 mi) and 5.5 km wide (3.4 mi) and has a surface area of 53 km2 (20.4 sq. mi.).


Mocha Island 1600s engraving
Van Speilberger in Mocha, 1616.. Notice the raft with a llama (lower right) Source

The first traces of permanent population by the Huilliche people of Chile date back to around the year 400 AD, with sporadic presence starting 3,500 years ago. They were known as "Lafkenche", or "people of the sea". The island's name "am ucha" means "soul-resurrect". They navigated back and forth across the channel between the mainland and the island trading with those who lived on the coast. The Spaniards evicted the natives in 1685 to keep them from trading with the Dutch and English ships that sailed through the region. In 1850 people resettled the island.


In 1902 Dr. Luis Vergara Flores was the first to note the similarity between skulls from Mocha Island and Polynesian crania. That year he informed that "I just reported on three skulls from Mocha Island collected by Mr. Carlos Reiche of the National Museum of Santiago. In that study, he concluded that from the western coasts of America westward, the races are Polynesian." The following year, 1903, he published an article about them (1903) in a book about Mocha Island (see Vergara, L. 1903. Tres cráneos de la Isla de La Mocha. In: Isla de la Mocha. Reiche, Carlos (ed.) Santiago: Anales del Museo Nacional de Chile , p.18).


Rocker Jaw, Amerindians and Polynesians


Many years later, Ramírez in 1992 noticed a "rocker jaw" in a skull found on Mocha, pointing out that this is a typically Polynesian feature not found in pre-Columbian Native American crania.


Rocker jaw is indeed a Polynesian feature, a study published in 2021 (Scott GR, Stull KE, Sbei AN, McKinney M, Boling SR, Irish JD. Rocker jaw: Global context for a Polynesian characteristic. Anat Rec. 2021; 304: 1776–1791. https://doi.org/10.1002/ar.24566) points out that "While the rocker jaw is a Polynesian characteristic, the trait is found throughout the world. Within major geographic regions, there are interesting contrasts... Skeletons in South America that exhibit the rocker jaw have been interpreted as Polynesian voyagers who ventured to the west coast of South America. The rarity of rocker jaw in South American natives supports this view." Below is Fig. 2 in this paper, showing a "rocker Jaw" (b) and a non-rocker (a).



Rocker jaws lack the antigonal notch and rock back and forth when placed on a flat surface.


Interestingly one of the jaws found at tje Upper Cave in Zhoukoudian, China "has a rocker jaw comparable to forms found in Polynesia" (roughly 30 ky old), it has not been observed in African hominins (A. afarensis or H. naledi, ergaster, but "it is evident in at least some mandibles, including Atapuerca, La Chapelle aux Saints, and Homo floresiensis... the Old Man from Cro-Magnon, the Mauer jaw, and Old Man 101 from Zhoukoudian."


Rocker jaws appear at a 59% frequency in Polynesia, and is lower in other parts of Oceania: Melanesia, 21%; Micronesia, 5.9%; Australia, 21.7%, and New Guinea, 13.6%. Regarding Africa and the Americas, the values are also very low. America has a north-to-south decreasing cline: Northwest coast, 18.8%; California, 8.7%, Southwestern US, 2.3%; Mesoamerica, 5.7 and South America, 3.1%. North Africa, 17%; Sub-Saharan Africa, 10.2 - 4.8%. Eurasian values are higher East Asia, 26.8%; Jomon, 18.6%; Siberia, 17.1%, Europe, 15.5%.


The paper points out an incongruity with the current notion about how Polynesia was populated: "Given that Southeast Asia was the springboard for the peopling of Polynesia, it is surprising that rocker jaw frequencies from this area provide no harbinger of things to come in remote Oceania. Mainland Southeast Asia has a higher frequency of rocker jaw (0.172) than island Southeast Asia (0.110)... Unexpectedly, Australia and Melanesia have higher frequencies of the trait than Southeast Asia and Micronesia, regions with presumably closer biological ties to Polynesia." Once again a hint at the Melanesian influence on Polynesian genetics and traits.


The authors attribute this high frequency among Polynesians toa comgination of "founder effect and genetic drift... in sum, is the outcome produced by an unusual combination of chance and functional factors." Yet, it does not explain the lack of this trait in South America, among the lowest in the world.


The Mocha skulls revisited


A paper published in 2010 (Matisoo-Smith, E. and Ramírez, J. M. (2009) “Human Skeletal Evidence of Polynesian Presence in South America? Metric Analyses of Six Crania from Mocha Island, Chile”, Journal of Pacific Archaeology, 1(1), pp. 76–88. doi: 10.70460/jpa.v1i1.11.)

analyzed crania from remains found on Mocha. They noticed that some of them were not similar to Patagonian skulls, and instead looked Polynesian:


"Three of the six crania, however, provided results that were geographically inconsistent with their Mocha Island location in at least one or more of the analyses... rhe possibility of admixture of the Mocha Island samples is particularly interesting and we suggest that admixture between indigenous Mapuche populations and Polynesian voyagers is worthy of consideration... Interestingly, the cranium that shows the strongest affiliations with Pacific populations is the one from box 10, which corresponds to El Vergel period (1000–1500 AD)".


In 2011, at Tunquén, Chile, close to the port city of Valparaiso, a press release from the University of Playa Ancha reported: "A dozen skeletons dating back a thousand years were found in very good condition. They exhibited the same morphological features as the archaeological remains discovered in 1990 and subsequent years on Mocha Island, south of Concepción. Some of the bodies presented all or some of the three morphological features that characterize the Polynesian phenotype: a rocker jaw, a pentagonal skull, and the oval shape of the femoral head socket that connects the ligaments to the hip." José Miguel Ramírez (yes, the same researcher mentioned further up) was commissioned to investigate them. Although he did not publish any paper on this remarkable finding, he did say thta: "What's interesting is that we were able to conduct mitochondrial DNA analysis, which would reaffirm the idea of interbreeding, and that the contact wasn't occasional, but rather that there were descendants. The only explanation is that there was a relationship between peoples who spoke different languages, which would also explain the dozen or so Polynesian words in Mapudungun.”."


Transpacific Routes


Some scholars have studied the potential routes across the Pacific, and have used computer simulations to do so, starting with Irwin G, Bickler S, Quirke P. (1990), Voyaging by canoe and computer: experiments in the settlement of the Pacific Ocean. Antiquity, 64(242):34-50. doi:10.1017/S0003598X00077280. 🔒, Finney, Ben, (1994), Putting Voyaging Back into Polynesian Prehistory, Voyage of Rediscovery: A Cultural Odyssey through Polynesia (Oakland, CA, 1994; online edn, California Scholarship Online, 24 May 2012), https://doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520080027.003.0008 🔒 and Wyatt, S., (2004), Ancient transpacific voyaging to the new world via Pleistocene South Pacific Islands. Geoarchaeology, 19: 511-529. https://doi.org/10.1002/gea.20008 🔒.


The map below, from José Miguel Ramírez Aliaga and Elisabeth Matisoo-Smith (2008) is captioned: " Figure 1. Routes between Polynesia and South America (according to Finney 1994 and Green 1998, 2000). A: Direct route between the Marquesas Islands and Peru (Buck 1938); B: Recommended route for sailing from the Marquesas Islands to Valparaíso; C: Route from Rapa Nui eastward, taking advantage of westerly winds; D: Westerly winds in winter, from Rapa Nui northward; and E: Area of possible return from South America, according to Irwin (1992)."


polynesia-america, transpacific prehispanic routes
Possible routes between Polynesia and America. Source

Apparently travel from Polynesia to America was possible and during the ENSO (El Niño-Southern Oscillation)events it would be much faster because it weakens easterlies and increases westerlies, pushing sailing boats towards America. Canoes sailing from Rapa Nui (Easter Island) would end up in the Arauco region of Chile.


There have been El Niño events during the Late Pleistocene and the Holocene, some weak, others strong: "The period of greatest activity was during the Early Holocene when at least six such events took place during a period of ca. 3600 years, beginning near the end of the Younger Dryas ca. 12 000 years ago... No severe events took place during the Middle Holocene between ca. 8400 and 5300 years ago, when a wide variety of other paleoclimate proxy records indicate that the El Niño–Southern Oscillation regime was particularly weak. Since ca. 5300 years ago, four of these severe events have taken place. The Late Pleistocene sequence is constrained by only two dates, which indicate that at least ten severe events took place between ca. 38 200 and 12 900 years ago." (Source)


For a brief but clear explanation of the El Niño event and its causes, and consequences, visit this external site: What is the El Niño–Southern Oscillation (ENSO) in a nutshell? (the U.S. National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration).


Menghin, Osvaldo F (1967) in Relaciones transpacíficas de América Precolombina. Runa X: 83-97. Buenos Aires (Trans-Pacific relations in the Pre-Columbian America), argues that we should not limit ourselves to Polynesians only; there were Mesolithic cultures in Melanesia that could have crossed the ocean as early as 5,000 years ago. He pointed out that:


"First, it was doubted that the peoples of pre-Columbian times, especially the Neolithic ones, already possessed boats and the necessary nautical knowledge to be able to cross the ocean. However, this objection has no basis whatsoever. Ocean currents and winds considerably favor navigation in the Pacific. The equatorial current, which flows eastward, reaches the American coast precisely at the point where biogeographical conditions were very favorable for the acclimatization and diffusion of cultures that came from the tropical zone of Asia (Sauer). We are referring to the present-day republics of Panama and Colombia. One can also consider the route used by the Spanish in their voyages between the Philippine Islands and America, from the 16th century onwards. Taking advantage of the predominantly westerly winds north of Hawaii, they sailed towards California and then along the coast south; On their return journeys, they took a more southerly route, favored by the trade winds. Furthermore, we must not underestimate the navigational skills of primitive peoples, even Neolithic ones, and certainly not those who came later. It is well known that the Polynesians built larger and better ships than those Columbus had at his disposal. The Polynesians' nautical knowledge was also highly developed. It's true that around 2000 BC, the Polynesians didn't yet exist as an ethnic group, and the eastern Pacific was generally unpopulated at that time. But the island world of western Oceania is home to very ancient cultures, some even pre-Neolithic. It must be accepted that the inhabitants of this area were excellent mariners as early as the third millennium BC. Otherwise, they could not have made the voyages to Polynesia, whose settlement—despite Heyerdahl's mistaken ideas—did not occur from America, but from the west. They also knew how to return from America. The pre-Columbian spread of the sweet potato from America to Oceania is perhaps an indication in favor of this supposition."


Cultural similarities and differences


Menghini also noted that some opponents of this idea have said that contact from mainland Asia would have introduced rice or eurasian cereals, and of course the wheel and carts, plus domestic animals. However Menghin does not see this as relevant arguing that the wheel and carts, known in Mesopotamia since c.4,000 BC only reache Egypt around 1,600 BC. Carrying domestic animals across the Pacific into America would have been an improbable feat, yet Amerindians knew the art of domestication, doing so with the llama in Peru, Bolivia, and Chile (where it was known as chilihueque). Dogs could have arrived in their boats. Finally, regarding cereals chia, amaranth, maize, beans, potatoes, tomatoes, peanuts, peppers, offered a better alternative for cultivation in American soil.


I agree, the wheel or the cart is useless in the dense Papuan jungle and the rocky and sandy Polynesian islands, the Melanesians didn't use them, and they did not cultivate rice. They thrived on the produce of their own ecosystem, farming sweet potatoes, bananas, sago, yams, taro). The Melanesians could have carried their agricultural skills with them across the Pacific. Interestingly, this would avoid the need of having to reinvent agriculture in America, starting with a band of hunter-gatherers that trekked across Beringia who then discovered agriculture in America and domesticated corn, and other plants there, after coming from a 100% pre-agricultural society.


In a previous post, we have mentioned the similarity between the Polynesian ceremonial adzes and the "toki" of Mapuches, the article by Ramírez Aliaga and Matisoo-Smith (2008) noted this similarity and others. The authors suggest they were caused by cultural contact, and that they are not convergent discoveries (same cultural traits in different parts of the world, that arise by chance).


And also, the Polynesian chicken bones found very close to Mocha Island, in the Arauco peninsula in Patagonia. These bones have been dated to 1364 ± 43 AD, 140 to 180 years before the arrival of the Spaniards.


Other cultural similarities (and they are many!) are the communal work ("minga" in Mapuche language, and "umanga" in Rapa Nui), the pit ovens (a hole dug in the ground, that uses hot stones to cook food. It is called "curanto" by the Mapuche, who still use them, and one has been dated at 6,000 years of age, in Puente Quilo. Polynesians also use them ("Umu" in Tonga and Samoa, Imu in Hawaii, and Hangi in New Zealand). Interestingly, the Polynesians didn't exist six thousand years ago! Finally they mention the "dalca", a canoe made from three planks sewn together, and caulked, used by the Chono people in Western insular Patagonia, and the Veliche of Chiloé Island, is found among the Polynesians and the Chumash natives of California. We will explore the sewn-plank canoes in a future post.



Patagonian Monsters - Cryptozoology, Myths & legends in Patagonia Copyright 2009-2025 by Austin Whittall © 

Saturday, December 20, 2025

Aboriginal New Zealand Natives (before the Maori)


The article published in 1910 that was shared in a recent post mentioned moa bones in middens that were discovered in New Zealand in the mid to late 1800s. These were attributed to a pre-Maori people. Nowadays such notions are frowned upon, having been effectively silenced by the Maori people. Let's look into this and other information about an "original" ancient population living in New Zealand. People who arrived there long before the 1600s, when the Polynesian Maori people reached these islands.


Julius von Haast in his Geology of the Provinces of Canterbury and Westland, New Zealand A Report Comprising the Results of Official Explorations, published in 1879, mentions these original people which he calls "Moa Hunters". Below is a quote starting on page 424 of his book, I highlighted some parts of the text by underlining them.


"Considering the Moa hunters from an anthropological point of view it is of the utmost difficulty at least for the present to state with any degree of exactness if they belonged to a race different to the Polynesians who according to the traditions of the natives now inhabiting these islands immigrated to New Zealand some six hundred years ago in a number of canoes from Hawaiki or if the mixed character exhibited in the Maoris has been imported with them this having been caused by intermixture with Melanesians and Negritos on their advance towards New Zealand.
It would be beyond the scope of this chapter to bring all the evidence forward which has been adduced from both sides to prove the one or the other some of the principal traditions are however here given The late Rev Richard Taylor states in the second edition of Te Ika a Maui from what he considers reliable traditions that the Hawaiki immigrants not only found when they landed on the coast of New Zealand a black Melanesian population but they also discovered kitchen middens with Moa bones and flint implements.
If these traditions can be relied upon it shows at any rate that the black race before the arrival of their successors had been hunting and probably extirpating the Moa. So, when relating the tradition of Manaia Taylor quotes from Sir George Grey: "-When he arrived at Rotuhu at the mouth of the River Waitara, he stopped there and behold there were people even the ancient inhabitants of the islands but Manaia and his followers slew them. They were killed and Manaia possessed their abode, he, his sons, and his people of those men that Manaia and his followers slew, that the place might be theirs."
According to Taylor the same is recorded of Turi who "went on shore and dwelt at Patea and slew the inhabitants thereof" (page 14). This aboriginal race was remembered as the Maero and Mohoao or wild men of the woods (page 15). Enumerating on page 290 the arrival of the original canoes in New Zealand he adds a footnote to No 12: Te Rangi ua mutu which came to Rangatapu: "On the arrival at that place they saw stones like English flints and Moa bones. It is there that I also discovered a large quantity of the bones of the Dinornis. The stones were the stone flakes used as knives which are still there found by the side of the ancient ovens a proof of their having belonged to a more ancient race than the Polynesian"
The Rev W Colenso FLS in his excellent essay 'On the Maori races of New Zealand' Vol I, Transactions of the New Zealand Institute, on page 394 answers the question, Were there autochthones? -as follows. "Possibly or rather very likely- (a) From the fact that no large island like New Zealand however distant from the nearest land is uninhabited. (b) From the fact that nearly all the numerous islands in the Pacific though vastly smaller in size teem with population. (c) From the fact of a remnant at present existing in the Chatham Islands the nearest land to New Zealand of a race which is allowed by the present New Zealander to be truly aboriginal and before them in occupation. (d) From their traditions and fear of wild men in the interior. (e) From the allusions and even direct statements in their traditionary myths of their having found inhabitants on their arrival in the country both at Waitara on the west coast of the North Island and at Rotorua in the interior. But if there were which appears very probable they have been destroyed or become amalgamated with the present race".
So far for the Northern Island. The traditions of the South Island according to the valuable researches of the Rev James W Stack, published in Vol X of the "Transactions of the New Zealand Institute" are not so distinct. but it is nevertheless evident that before the Waitaha went to dwell in this Island other tribes of people had been in existence. Mr Stack calls the traditions concerning the first fabulous and the second uncertain. He states that the Kahui Tipua or ogre band, a mythical race, are said to have been the first occupants of this land, they are described as giants and sorcerers They were succeeded by Te Rapuwai or Nga ai tanga a te Puhirire, who have left traces of their occupation in the shell heaps, found both along the coast and far inland. Then follows Waitaha one of the original immigrants from Hawaiki, the founder of the tribe who came in the canoe Arawa; he or his immediate descendants peopled the South Island. they are consequently the first inhabitants claiming to have been immigrants from Hawaiki...
To sum up the evidence as to the presence and mode of life of quaternary man in this part of New Zealand the following points may fairly be considered to have been so far proved:-
1. There existed in quaternary times an autochthone race in New Zealand having like the present inhabitants more or less strong affinities with the Melanesian type.
2. This race hunted and exterminated the Moa including in this native word all the different species of the Dinornithiae.
3. Banks Peninsula was at that time either an island or if already a Peninsula the driftsands now fringing the sea shores north of the Peninsula were in some localities several miles narrower than they are at present.
4. The quaternary population did not possess a domesticated dog.
5. A species of feral dog was contemporaneous with the Moa hunters and was killed and eaten by them. No gnawed bones of any kind were ever found in the kitchen middens.
6. The total absence of any bones of Ocydromus Australis Weka in the kitchen middens is very striking.
7. The Moa hunters used both polished and chipped stone implements.
8. They cooked their food in the same manner as the Maoris of the present day do.
9. They were not cannibals.
10. They did not possess implements of greenstone Nephrite.
11. There are some native traditions although of a mythical character that one or several races inhabited this island before the arrival of the first immigrants from Hawaiki if such an immigration is admitted
12. A considerable period of time elapsed as evidenced by an examination of the deposits in the Moa bone Point Cave and in some other localities before the shellfish eating population appeared on the scene.
13. The kitchen middens of the Shellfish eaters following a line nearly parallel to the present coast line are also ascribed to have been formed by a somewhat mythical people.
"


Maori man 1800s
Portrait of a Maori man, before 1880. Source

Genetics and the Maori People. Y-Chromosome, the male lineages


A paper published in 2006 (Manfred Kayser, et al., Melanesian and Asian Origins of Polynesians: mtDNA and Y Chromosome Gradients Across the Pacific, Molecular Biology and Evolution, Volume 23, Issue 11, November 2006, Pages 2234–2244, https://doi.org/10.1093/molbev/msl093) suggests an early Melanesian presence in Polynesia:


"The fact that there is extensive sharing of Asian haplotypes, but not Melanesian haplotypes, between Polynesians and Melanesians today, therefore, could indicate that Melanesian haplotypes were present earlier in Polynesia (perhaps in Fiji), leading to greater divergence between Polynesians and Melanesians for haplogroups of Melanesian origin than for haplogroups of Asian origin".


The typical Y-chromosome haplogroup found in Melanesians and also in Polyesians at high frequencies is C2a-M208, formerly known as C2b (Source).


An article published in 2022 (Tätte K, et al., Genetic characterization of populations in the Marquesas Archipelago in the context of the Austronesian expansion. Sci Rep. 2022 Mar 29;12(1):5312. doi: 10.1038/s41598-022-08910-w. PMID: 35351918; PMCID: PMC8964752.) confirms this genetic marker found in Polynesian men, as Melanesian:


"The most abundant Y chromosomal haplogroup in the Marquesas Islands of Nuku Hiva, Hiva Oa and Tahuata is C2a-M208 (37.9%) of Melanesian origin ... considering that C2a-M208 is the most abundant Y-chromosome haplogroup in West and East Polynesian, we performed a Median Network analysis ... In addition age estimations were generated. The Median Network exhibits a star-like topology made up of one central and two secondary major nodes from which individuals from different populations radiate-out in multiple lineages to generate the network ... No intra- or inter-population substructure is seen with the exception of the Maoris in which most of its individuals segregate distinctly into one specific sequential lineage ... The age estimations of the C2a-M208 lineage for the populations in the Network analysis provide equivalent values except for the Maoris of New Zealand, which exhibit values approximately twice or more than the other groups (Supplementary Table 22). The age of C2a-M208 based on Y-STR variability data for the Maori is incompatible with the radiocarbon dating of archaeological sites, which indicate that Polynesians settled New Zealand by about 740 ya. Data indicating rapid spread of populations over 12,000 km of coastline and high diversity in the mtDNA of first generation settlers suggest that New Zealand was the target of a planned mass migration out of East Polynesia during the first decades of the fourteenth century. It is likely that such colonization by large number of individuals may have carry high levels of genetic variability within the Y-chromosomes reflected in the high diversity levels of C2a-M208 chromosomes in the Maori population relative to the other Polynesian and Polynesian outlier groups examined."


The final paragraph tries to explain the highly diverse and old age of the Melanesian haplogroup found in Maoris by suggesting a massive migration with many people (to overcome a founder-effect and bottleneck in the population). A simple explanation is that they met an ancient, diverse population of Melanesian original people. The older age of the New Zealand C2a-M208 confirms the presence of an original population there.


There is additional support for an early Melanesian presence, suggested by a paper published in 2006 (Kayser, M., Stoneking, M., et al. (2006). Melanesian and asian origins of Polynesians: mtDNA and Y chromosome gradients across the Pacific. Molecular Biology and Evolution, 23(11), 2234-2244. https://doi.org/10.1093/molbev/msl093). Below is the relevant information:


"However, no haplotype sharing between geographic regions was observed for haplogroups C-M208 and M-M4, which are of Melanesian origin, and only one haplotype (2%) was shared between one Fijian and one Melanesian for K-M9, suggesting a more ancient spread of those NRY haplogroups from Melanesia to Polynesia."


mtDNA, the maternal lineages


A similar discrepancy was reported by a paper published in Nature this year, but instead of studying male markers, it focused on the matrilineal mtDNA markers (Almeida, M., Gandini, F., Rito, T. et al. Leveraging known Pacific colonisation times to test models for the ancestry of Southeast Asians. Sci Rep 15, 37044 (2025). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-025-20856-3), the authors noticed two sets of data where the appearance of the "Polynesian Motif" is older than expected, for New Zealand the age was calculated at 2,060 years BP, while archaeological sites are not older than 675-700 years (See Table 2 in the paper).


"The two sets of exceptions are in Near Oceania, prior to the Lapita expansion, where the emergence of the motif predates the emergence of Lapita, and Niue, Tuvalu and Aotearoa/New Zealand...
In the case of Aotearoa (New Zealand), the situation is different, as these islands have one of the best-defined chronologies for settlement in Oceania. We suggest two possible explanations for the discrepancy in this case. One is that we lack data from what may have been important stepping-stones between the available genetic source populations and Aotearoa, such as the Kermadec Islands, which could have been a direct source, although archaeological or oral historical information suggests settlement from Central East Polynesia (Cook Islands, Society Islands). There are no genetic data available within a radius of up to 2,000 km around New Zealand. Some diversity might have emerged in an intermediate source, some source diversity might have been lost due to partial resettlement, and specific haplotypes might have increased in frequency due to founder effects when moving south into Aotearoa. Another strong possibility is that the data might contain some sequencing or transcription artefacts (i.e., artificially induced “mutations” introduced by error) that have raised the founder estimate. For example, the rare non-synonymous mutation 6261 A appears twice independently in two different subclades of the Aotearoa dataset of only 22 samples.
"


When facts are explained away suggesting they are artifacts due to error, or insufficient data, then there is something weird in the theory. The other discrepancy, Niue (2,400 km - 1,500 mi. north of NZ) also has older dates than expected.


Kayser, M., Stoneking, M., et al. (2006) mentioned further up (Melanesian and asian origins of Polynesians: mtDNA and Y chromosome gradients across the Pacific) also noticed an ancient mtDNA of Melanesian origin among Polynesians:


"With respect to mtDNA haplogroups, there is again sharing of haplotypes between Polynesians and Melanesians for Asian haplogroups B4a and PM, whereas there is no sharing of haplotypes between Polynesians and Melanesians for the Melanesian haplogroup M28, suggesting a more recent spread of mtDNAs from Asia into Polynesia and a more ancient spread of mtDNAs from Melanesia into Polynesia."


Closing Comments


Kayser, M., Stoneking, M., et al. (2006) summarize these differences clearly and explain these apparent "discrepancies":


"If Polynesian ancestors did migrate to coastal/island Melanesia from Asia, mixed with coastal/island Melanesians (thereby obtaining Melanesian Y chromosomes and mtDNA types and leaving behind "Asian" Y chromosomes and mtDNA types), and then left Melanesia and colonized Polynesia, then the degree of haplotype sharing should be the same for haplogroups of Asian versus Melanesian origin because there was a single "separation" of an ancestral group of Polynesians from ancestral Melanesians. The fact that there is extensive sharing of Asian haplotypes, but not Melanesian haplotypes, between Polynesians and Melanesians today, therefore, could indicate that Melanesian haplotypes were present earlier in Polynesia (perhaps in Fiji)"


It seems pretty clear that Melanesians reached the islands of New Zealand long before the ancestors of the Polynesian Maoris. When they arrived will remain a mystery until serious research is conducted on the field, looking for remains older than the 17th century. It is exciting to imagine Melanesians reaching NZ on boats 10,000 years ago. They could have also headed east, spreading into the vacant islands of the Pacific, and who knows, continued on to South America.



Patagonian Monsters - Cryptozoology, Myths & legends in Patagonia Copyright 2009-2025by Austin Whittall © 

Friday, December 19, 2025

The Marquesans and their Melanesian heritage


While seeking more information about the possible early peopling of Polynesia by Melanesian people (which could have also continued their journey across the Pacific Ocean and reached America thousands of years ago, and admixed there with the Amerindians), I found some intersting information regarding the Marquesas Islands people and a link with Melanesia.


Roslyn Poignant, in her book Oceanic mythology : the myths of Polynesia, Micronesia, Melanesia, Australia, published in 1967, mentions on page 13 a similarity between Marquesans and Melanesians: "The Marquesans headband ornament of carved turtleshell overlaying pearlshell provides an important clue to the origin of the Marquesans. It bears a close resemblance to an ornament called a kapkap, found in parts of Melanesia." These Marquesan jewels are known as "uhikana". Adding that:


"The Society Islands were reached by about 200 B.C., but so were the most easterly Marquesas. Excavation in the latter islands showed that the first comers must have arrived direct from western Polynesia at a time when the culture of the area was hardly differentiated from that of Melanesia, for amongst the objects found was a carved pearlshell headdress ornament which in Melanesia is called a kapkap. This style of ornament continued to be worn by the Marquesans until last century. It has been found nowhere else in Polynesia, and the nearest place it reappears is Melanesian Santa Cruz, near the New Hebrides."


Santa Cruz is 6,000 km (3.740 mi.) from the Marshalls. This is a long journey.


The kapkaps of the Melanesians are made in the same manner as those of the Marquesas and it is "worn around the neck or on the forehead... a circular white clamshell disc overlaid with carved dark-brown turtle-shell fretwork". (Source; see also this source).

They were one of the most popular forms of jewelry among Melanesian and all of them were made the same way, by overlaying giant clam shell disks with delicate artwork carved in turtle shell. They were very common along the coast of New Guinea all the way to the Santa Cruz Islands. (Source).


Below are two kapkaps from New Ireland.


kapkaps
Two of the kapkaps on display from New Ireland, Papua New Guinea. Pitt Rivers Museum. Source

Below is a uhikana from the Marquesas, notice how similar the Melanesian and "Polynesian" (Marquesan) objects are!


uhikana headdress Marquesas Islands
Uhikana, Metropolitan Museum, late 1800s. Source

The headdress pictured above (known as uhikana) were part of the ceremonial clothing used by the tribal chiefs of the Southern Marquesas. In the image we can see a fiber headband with a central disk of pearl shell overlaid with turtle shell, forming a tiki star.


Melanesians


The people of Melanesia used disks on their heads, if inland, they made them from other materials. Below are some images depicting disks and headbands from this region.


PNG woman 1914
Roro Woman in Papua New Guinea, 1914. Source
Samoan chief 1907
Samoan Chief, 1907. Source

The image below shows a Solomon Island chief with a large kapkap on his head.


kapkap Salomons
Portrait of Irobaoa of Suafa, north Malaita, Solomon Islands, c.1910. wearing a kap-kap. Source

Marquesan People


The chief from the image below was portrayed during Captain James Cook's Second Voyage (1772-1775) at the island of Tahu Ata (which, when discovered in 1595 by Álvaro de Mendaña was named Santa Cristina) in the Marquesas.


Cook's account records the chief's name as Honoo (now written Honu), and their encounter took place in April 1774.


Chief Honu at Tahu Ata, Marquesas, 1774
Chief Honu at Santa Christina or Tahu Ata. Southern Marquesas Islands. Source
CAPTION HERE. Copyright © 2025 by Austin Whittall

The image below, taken in 1895 in the Marquesas Islands is captioned: "Postmarked September 17, 1908. 8.8 x 13.8 cm. The figure with the white beard wearing a uhikana headband appears in other photographs by Homes, circa 1895 (Marquesan Chief of Atuona). He is adorned with a mother-of-pearl and tortoiseshell uhikana headband, as well as a titi ouoho covering his shoulders and a toke ouoho skirt also made of human hair. The second figure wears a feathered headdress. The seated figure in profile and the one on the right have tattoos."


Marquesans, 1895
Marquesan men, 1895 note the uhikana on the man with the white beard. Source

Below are some "Marquesan Chiefs" in an engraving published in 1871. Note the uhikana on the man on the right captioned "Marquesan Chief (see page 1049)". On that page it adds more context:


"When they wish to be considered as wearing full dress, the better class of men wear a most elaborate cap, made of fibre, feathers, and shells. First, a broad fillet is plaited from cocoa-nut fibre, so as to pass round the forehead, after the manner of a cap without d crown. On the centre of this fillet is fixed a large plate of mother-o'-pearl, decorated with carving. In the middle of this plate is fixed a smaller but similarly shaded plate of tortoise-shell, and in the middle of that a still smaller disc of pearl shell. Some headdresses have three of these ornaments, as is the case with that which is figured in the Marquesan chief on the 1046th page.
In the fillet are also fastened a number of feathers, either from the tail of the cock or from that of the tropic bird, so that when the fillet is bound on the forehead the feathers will stand upright. The feathers of the tropic bird are greatly prized by the natives, who use them for various ornaments, and display great ingenuity in procuring them. Instead of killing the birds, and so stopping the supply of feathers, they steal upon them when they are asleep, and dexterously twitch out the two long tail-feathers. In process of time the feathers grow again, and so the supply is kept up. I mention the custom because it is contrary to the recklessness respecting the future which is usually found among savages.
"

marquesan men with tatoos
Marquesan men, 1895 note the uhikana on the man on the right. Source

So there is a unique link between the Marquesans, of all the different Polynesian people, on hundreds of islands spread across the Pacific, that wear a motherpearl inlaid with turtle shell jewel that is almost identical to the one used by Melanesian people in Papua New Guinea, and the Salomons. This suggests that the Melanesians reached the Marquesas Islands before the later wave that replaced them in the islands lying between the Eastern Pacific and Melanesia. Since Melanesians have been around for over 40,000 years. So they had plenty of time to move east, across the Pacific.



Patagonian Monsters - Cryptozoology, Myths & legends in Patagonia Copyright 2009-2025 by Austin Whittall © 

Wednesday, December 17, 2025

The peopling of Polynesia, an article from 1910


In our current woke world, where we are all so careful about using certain words to avoid hurting sensibilities, trying to be correct about issues of gender, race, ethnicity, religion, politics, etc., it is refreshing to be able to read something written one hundred and fifteen years ago, which with frankness and the crudeness of that era describes facts and knowledge, without worrying about being politically correct or the censorship of cancel culture.


I am sharing a link to an interesting article written back in 1910, and highlighting its comments about the peopling of Polynesia.


Source: W. D. Alexander, (1910). The Origin of the Polynesian Race. The Journal of Race Development, Vol. 1, No. 2 (Oct., 1910), pp. 221-230. https://doi.org/10.2307/29737859. https://www.jstor.org/stable/29737859


Below is the full quote from Alexander:


"Antiquity of Man in Polynesia.
Many considerations combine to prove the great antiquity of man in Polynesia. Prof. Macmillan Browne has ably presented the evidences of this, as seen on the one hand in ancient traditions and relics, and on the other hand in the New Zealand traditions mention a number of aboriginal tribes. In a similar way the Hawaiian had numerous legends about the "Menehunes," described as a race of industrious and skillful dwarfs, who were said to have built the great fishpond walls and to have dug extensive irrigation ditches.
In the South Island of New Zealand there are vast shell mounds containing bones of the extinct Moa birds, and ancient Maori ovens and stone implements have been found fourteen feet below the present surface of the ground, under an ancient forest. In an article entitled "First Wells of Honolulu," by James Hunnewell, in Hawaiian Club Papers, p. 31, it is stated that the first wells in Honolulu were dug in 1822. "They passed through eight or ten feet of surface soil and volcanic sand, when a coral bed eight feet in thickness was met with and cut through, under which fresh water was reached. In this coral stratum a human skull and sundry human bones were found imbedded." In 1858, in dredging the harbor of Honolulu, near the Esplanade, in about twenty feet of water, it was found that underneath the mud and sand there was a stratum of hard coral rock about two feet in thickness, beneath which there was a thick layer of black volcanic sand. Embedded in this black sand were found the lower part of an ancient spear, about three feet long, and a slingstone of a red, close-grained lava, such as is not found anywhere in that vicinity. In 1859, as Fornander relates, "Mr. R. W. Meyer, of Kalae, Molokai, found in the side of a canyon on his estate, some seventy feet below the surface of the upper level plain, in a stratum of volcanic mud, breccia, clay and ashes, several feet in thickness, a human skull, compactly filled by the volcanic deposit surrounding it, as if it had been cast in a mould. As that stratum spreads over a considerable tract of land, at varying depths below the surface, andas the ravines and canyons which now intersect it were formed by erosion, the great age of that human skull may be reasonably inferred."
There are other indications of antiquity in the extremely primitive stage of Polynesian culture. The race was still in the Stone Age. The total absence of pottery is a significant fact, for, as Prof. Macmillan Browne observes : "All around the Pacific, on both the Asiatic and American coast, pottery has been made from time immemorial, and so it is in all the island world from the Malay peninsula south-east to the New Hebrides and Fiji." "The absence of pottery and of the use of the bow in war makes it certain that the pre-existence of a Melanesian and Papuan substratum of population in that region, assumed by some writers, is a fiction." In the art of making fire, as has already been stated, the Polynesians and Melanesians stand alone. With the exception of the Easter Islanders, the Polynesians did not possess even the most rudimentary forms of writing.
The above considerations would exclude the idea of any intercourse with the East Indian Archipelago within historical times. At the same time there is no sufficient evidence of a pre-existing race in Polynesia proper.
"


The text mentions "ancient" skulls and remains in Hawaii, and the Menehune. In New Zealand it reports "Maori" tools in shell middens which could belong to the aboriginal tribes encountered by the Maori in New Zealand (More on these aboriginal New Zealand people in our next post). It also points out that the Polynesians, unlike the Melanesians did not make pottery and did not use bow and arrow. So it questions a Melanesian origin. It also says there is not enough evidencer to support an aboriginal pre-Polynesian race in the islands of Polynesia.


But, an original wave of Melanesians into Polynesia would have abandoned the use of bow and arrow because they, like the later Polynesian migrants would have adopted fishing as a food resource using nets, hooks, and spears for that purpose. Furthermore, wood suitable for making bows and arrows would be hard to come across in the islands of Polynesia. Regarding ceramics, clay is the key raw material, abundant on large islands like New Guinea or New Zealand, it isn't found in volcanic atolls, where basalt, lava, and coral are the main components of soil.


The Melanesian presence in Polynesia before its current inhabitants isn't only something from 115 years ago, a paper published in 2006 (Manfred Kayser, et al., Melanesian and Asian Origins of Polynesians: mtDNA and Y Chromosome Gradients Across the Pacific, Molecular Biology and Evolution, Volume 23, Issue 11, November 2006, Pages 2234–2244, https://doi.org/10.1093/molbev/msl093) says the following (underlined is mine):


"The fact that there is extensive sharing of Asian haplotypes, but not Melanesian haplotypes, between Polynesians and Melanesians today, therefore, could indicate that Melanesian haplotypes were present earlier in Polynesia (perhaps in Fiji), leading to greater divergence between Polynesians and Melanesians for haplogroups of Melanesian origin than for haplogroups of Asian origin. However, there are large gaps in the sampling of coastal/island Melanesians, which would need to be filled in before one could be certain that there is truly a difference in patterns of haplotype sharing between Polynesians and Melanesians for haplogroups of Asian versus Melanesian origin... The striking difference observed here between Asian and Melanesian contributions to the paternal and maternal gene pool of Polynesians suggests an admixture bias toward more Melanesian men, perhaps as result of uxorilocal (matrilocal) residence and matrilineal descent in ancestral Polynesian society."


Why more Melanesian Y-chromosomes than Asian, and the opposite for mtDNA? The explanation given above seems weird. There was admixture in the islands, the Polynesians with Asian genes arrived and met Melanesians who prevailed and took Polynesian women (with Asian mtDNA) as their wives resulting in the current Polynesian admixture.


Our next post will look into the aboriginals of New Zealand, a pre-Polynesian people there, and some odd findings in the field of Maori genetics.


melanesians
Melanesian men, Mountaineers from inland Viti Levu (Kai Colo people) in Fiji c.1900. Source


Patagonian Monsters - Cryptozoology, Myths & legends in Patagonia Copyright 2009-2025 by Austin Whittall © 

Monday, December 15, 2025

The Manahune of Society Islands & Tahiti - Original Inhabitants


The Manahune were the lowest of the three social classes into which the Tahitian society was dividided into. They are also found in the Cook and Tuamotu Archipelagoes. The Manahune were the equivalent of Medieval Europe's serfs or villeins. They were treated with contempt by the upper classes.


In Katharine Luomala's work, The Menehune of Polynesia and other mythical little people of Oceania (see p. 52) there is an excellent description of these people, and also, of course, the Hawaiian Menehune people.


However, the Menehune of Hawaii are "mythical" creatures (the myth may reflect the ancient memory about a pre-Polynesian original people who lived in those islands), but the Manahune of Tahiti were real, and were described by the first Europeans who visited these islands in the 18th-century.


Menehune and Manahune. The meaning


Their name comes from two words: "Mana" is the power of the forces of nature, embodied in a person or an object while "Hune" means small. These people lacked mana, an indication of their servile condition. Priests, gods, leaders, on the other hand, had plenty of Mana, and gained more during their life if they acted correctly. Gods could remove mana if they were displeased with a person.


Abraham Fornander in 1878 explained the name "Menehune" as follows: "I am inclined to consider the Menehune of the legend as a personification of the people of Mene for such is the literal signification of the word and then Mene alone in reality the national appellation which still lingers in Hawaiian legends and Tahitian usage Our knowledge of the legendary lore of the pre Malay Polynesian relations in the Asiatic Archipel is too limited to enable us to say if any trace or remembrance there exists of either Take or Mene as national appellations."


In other words, "Mene" was the place that was the homeland of these people, but we don't know where it was located. In my opinion, it is likely that the particle "Mene" became deformed into "Mana" in Tahiti, losing its original meaning and becoming a derogatory term for the lower classes.


Edward Joesting (1988) suggests that the Tahitians gave themselves the name Manahune but when they were conquered by the warriors from Raiatea, the word lost its honorable connotations and became a term of derision, then, when the Tahitians settled in Hawaii, they did the same, calling the original inhabitants "Menehune".


Fornander added that "Take" was the original homeland that the people who lived in the Marquesas Islands (see map) remembered in their myths, and that the Hawaiians had a similar myth with different names, using "Mene" instead of "Take".


In another book, edited by Fornander and Thrum ( Fornander collection of Hawaiian antiquities and folk-lore, Volume 3, 1917. See p. 234) the same theme is repeated and expanded:


"In the meles and legends collated and preserved by Mr. Lawson, a resident of Hiwaoa, Marquesan Islands... mention is made of a number of lands or islands, on which they successively stopped in their migration, ere they finally reached the Marquesan Islands, or, as they are called by them, the Ao-maama. According to these, the Marquesans started from a land called Take-hee-hee, far away to the westward from the group they now occupy; and the name by which they call themselves is “te Take.” There are two accounts of their wanderings after being driven out of Take-hee-hee. One mentions thirteen places of stoppage before they arrived at Ao-maama, the present Marquesan Islands; the other account mentions seventeen places before their final settlement on the last-mentioned group. During all these migrations the Take, or Marquesan people represent themselves as coming from below (mei-iao) and going up (una). Throughout the Polynesian groups, however, within the tropics, when a land is spoken of as iao, ilalo, iraro of the speaker’s place, it invariably means to the leeward, before the prevailing trade-wind. This being from northeast or southeast, these migrations pursued a course from west to east, and thus corroborate the Polynesian descent from Asia or the Asiatic Archipelago."


Two Races


S. Percy Smith (1897) wrote the following:


"... from Maori and Rarotonga accounts they [the Manahune] appear rather to have been an alien race. The vague notions the Polynesians generally have in regard to the Manahune their living in the mountains and forests the wonderful powers of sorcery &c accredited to them seems to point to their having been a race living in the remote past conquered by the Polynesians and probably often enslaved by them..."


As the Manahune had a different physical appearance, compared to their rulers, the Europeans wondered if the upper and lower classes belonged to different races. Below are two examples of the impression they caused:


De Bougainville wrote (Voyage round the World, 1766-1769, p. 249) about these "two races" as follows


"There are two races of men in the isle.
The inhabitants of Taiti consist of two races of men, very different from each other, but speaking the same language, having the same customs, and seemingly mixing without distinction. The first, which is the most numerous one, produces men of the greatest size; it is very common to see them measure six (Paris) feet and upwards in height. I never saw men better made, and whose limbs were more proportionate: in order to paint a Hercules or a Mars, one could no where find such beautiful models. Nothing distinguishes their features from those of the Europeans: and if they were cloathed; if they lived less in the open air, and were less exposed to the sun at noon, they would be as white as ourselves: their hair in general is black.
The second race are of a middle size, have frizzled hair as hard as bristles, and both in colour and features they differ but little from mulattoes.
"


The striking part is the "frizzled hair" which hints at a Melanesian genetic input.


de Bougainville in French Polynesia
Louis Antoine, Count of Bougainville (1729-1811) arrived at the Ile des Lancies (French Polynesia) in 1768. Source

Capt. Cook's Journal (1769) on p. 92 describes the people of Tahiti:


"With respect to their persons the Men in general are tall, strong-limb'd, and well shaped. The superior women are in every respect as large as Europeans, but the inferior sort are in General small, owing possibly to their early Amours, which they are more addicted to than their superiors. They are of various Colours: those of the inferior sort, who are obliged to be much exposed to the Sun and air, are of a very Dark brown; the superiors again, who spend most of their Time in their Houses under Shelter, are not browner than people who are born or reside longer in the West Indies; nay, some of the Women are almost as fair as Europeans. Their hair is almost universally black, thick, and Strong; this the Women wear short Cropt Round their Ears. The Men, on the other hand, wear it different ways: the better sort let it grow long, and sometimes tying it up on the Top of their Heads, or letting it hang loose over their Shoulders; but many of the inferiors, and such who, in the exercise of their professions, fishing, etc., are obliged to be much upon or in the Water, wear it cropt short like the women. They always pluck out a part of their beards, and keep what remains neat and Clean. Both Sexes eradicate every hair from under their Armpits, and look upon it as a mark of uncleanliness in us that we do not do the Same."


Cook noted three social classes: "there are 3 Ranks of Men & Women first the Eares or Chiefs second the Manahoona's or Middling sort & lastly the Toutou's which Comprehend all the lower Class & are by far the most numerous these seem to live in some sort dependant on the Eares who together with the Manahoona's own most if not all of the lands..." The "tou tou" seem to be the lowest class but, the "Manahoona" sounds a lot like "Manahune". Probably Cook didn't quite understand the social structure in Tahiti. "Teu Teus" were servants who were attendants on the local chiefs (Source).


However, other authors have suggested that the differences between both groups were due to external factors such as diet (better for the upper clases, poor for the serfs), intermarriage within classes that confined and enhanced certain traits within them, and labor (exposure to sunlight, and heavy work). All of these factors are said to have led to these physical differences between aristocracy and commoners.


Nevertheless, scholars like the French ethnologist Jean Poirier (see his full comment about Luomala's book - in French) disagree: "...moreover, we do not believe that in ancient Tahiti, the living conditions of the lower classes were such as to modify stature hereditarily." Adding that within the "menehune-manahune-manahua “cycle”: the aberrant nature of certain details, such as the fact that the Manahua of New Zealand are generally described as having blond or red hair, is too often overlooked." Citing this as something that has to be studied (We already suggested the fair-hair genetic mutation found in Melanesians as an explanation for the blond or red hair found in the New Zealand dwarf-Firsts People myths.)


Poirier wonders if the Hawaiian Menehune have a different origin: "Could this small, Negroid-looking people be the mythical embodiment of real tribes, such as the Negrito of the Philippines? The Philippine archipelago, in our view, should most likely be considered the center of dispersal for the Polynesians, their starting point for their Oceanic expansion." adding that their Tahitian counterparts are essentially different. This suggestion that the Philippines is "Mene", the homeland (or probably some island east of the Philippines like Yap, Palau, or Ponape) is interesting!


Emory1 proposed that the Menehune of Hawaii, and the Manahune of Tahiti were the original inhabitants of those islands.


In the Hawaiian islands, they had lived in the uninhabited (and in part, unknown to the Hawaiians) islands of Necker and Nihoa. In Tahiti, they constituted the aboriginal population that arrived there from Malaysia via Melanesia. Interestingly, Emory notes that the temples or heiau of Necker-Nihoa and the interior of Tahiti are similar. Noting that these aboriginals tended to live inland, unlike the later wave of Polynesians who stayed close to the coast).


Closing Comments


I have noticed a shift in the focus given by contemporary archaeologists and those of the late 1800s, and early 1900s. The first anthropologists compiled the ancient myths firsthand, from the elders living in the islands, and tried to make sense of them. Now the notion of a pre-Polynesian aboriginal population is frowned upon, it seems as if the Polynesian people moved into a void, empty of previous human presence. They are considered as the true "first", "original" people. This stance is in line with the current ideologies, and does not dare to defy the position of the first people (Maoris) of New Zealand or Polynesians. However, the stories about dwarves in Moorea, Tahiti, the Marianas, and New Zealand, and as we will see in the next post, the Chokalai of Ponape, make me wonder if the modern Polynesians really were the first people to reach these islands.


Further Reading & Sources


[1] Emory, Kenneth P. (1928). Archaeology of Nihoa and Necker Islands. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin #53; Honolulu: The Museum. (↺)


Cleghorn, Paul. (1988). The Settlement and abandonment of two Hawaiian outposts. Bishop Museum. #28.



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